The 16th National Assembly of Pakistan convened for its first parliamentary year on February 29, 2024, and by the time its first year ended on February 28, 2025, its performance reflected a troubling pattern of inefficiency and apathy. According to an analysis by the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT), the Assembly worked for fewer hours, had lower attendance, and yet witnessed a staggering increase in legislative output—albeit through rushed and often unscrutinized laws. While some members took their parliamentary responsibilities seriously, the overall picture is one of neglect, with absentee ministers, an uninterested prime minister, and a political class that seems more focused on securing financial perks rather than engaging in meaningful governance.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s attendance stood at a dismal 18%, with only 17 sittings attended out of the total 93. This level of disregard for parliamentary proceedings follows a longstanding trend. His predecessor, Imran Khan, had a marginally better record, with an attendance rate of 19% during his first year in office. Even further back, Nawaz Sharif had attended a mere 7% of sittings in his first year. This habitual absenteeism among prime ministers raises a crucial question: if the country’s chief executives themselves show such little interest in legislative proceedings, why should other members of parliament be expected to do any better?
One of the most glaring contradictions in this story is the enormous financial burden placed on taxpayers to sustain this largely dysfunctional system. The cost per working hour of the National Assembly has reached an astronomical Rs60.08 million. The budget per sitting has surged to Rs136.96 million. Given the abysmal participation rates, it is hard to justify such expenditure. The 16th National Assembly held 93 sittings in its first year, amounting to only 212 hours of work—a 28.6% decrease from the 15th National Assembly, which had met for 297 hours in its first year. The longest session lasted 11 hours and 19 minutes on June 24, 2024, while the shortest sitting, on September 15, 2024, was a laughable 8 minutes long. With an average MNA costing taxpayers Rs37.9 million annually, one would expect at least basic levels of engagement from elected representatives.
While many parliamentarians showed an astonishing lack of interest, some members stood out for their contributions. Omar Ayub Khan, the Leader of the Opposition, attended 62 sittings, marking an impressive 67% attendance rate. This is a notable improvement from the 55% attendance of the previous opposition leader, Shehbaz Sharif, in the 15th Assembly. More importantly, Omar Ayub was also the most vocal MNA, speaking for 13 hours and 28 minutes, demonstrating a serious commitment to legislative discourse. His engagement should serve as a model for other MNAs who appear to treat parliament as an optional activity rather than an essential duty.
On the other hand, several key ministers and ruling party members have contributed almost nothing to legislative discussions. Khawaja Muhammad Asif, the Federal Minister for Defence, Defence Production, and Aviation, spoke for only 5 hours and 30 minutes, while Bilawal Bhutto Zardari managed 4 hours and 19 minutes. Federal Information Minister Attaullah Tarar contributed 4 hours and 11 minutes, while Maulana Fazlur Rahman spoke for 3 hours and 41 minutes. It is telling that no female MNA featured in the top five most vocal parliamentarians, pointing to yet another concerning aspect of parliamentary representation.
Despite a sharp decline in attendance and working hours, the 16th National Assembly passed 47 bills in its first year, marking a staggering 370% increase compared to the 10 bills passed in the first year of the 15th National Assembly. However, many of these laws, including nine crucial ones, were pushed through without any proper review by relevant standing committees. The legislative process, which should ideally be thorough and participatory, has become an exercise in rubber-stamping decisions without adequate scrutiny. This increasing reliance on rushed lawmaking is emblematic of a broader decline in democratic governance.
Even more troubling is the Assembly’s growing dependency on ordinances. The first year of the 16th Assembly saw a 128.6% rise in the use of ordinances compared to previous parliaments. The executive has increasingly opted to bypass parliamentary debate, instead issuing decrees that often escape critical oversight. In the first year of the 14th National Assembly, 12 ordinances were laid before the house—a number that is now overshadowed by the current Assembly’s count. The shift towards executive-driven legislation further undermines parliament’s role as the primary forum for debate and policy-making.
Beyond legislative performance, the National Assembly has also been plagued by procedural inefficiencies. Quorum was pointed out 30 times across 25 sittings, representing 27% of total sessions. As a result, 9 sittings—or nearly 10%—had to be adjourned due to lack of quorum. The first joint sitting of Parliament on April 18, 2024, held for the president’s inaugural address, lasted a mere 30 minutes. Out of 336 MNAs, only 248 (74%) were present, along with 67 senators. These numbers further reinforce the image of an institution where legislative business is treated as an afterthought.
Adding to the absurdity, amidst this underwhelming performance, lawmakers recently approved a jaw-dropping 200% salary increase for themselves. The Members of Parliament (Salaries and Allowances) (Amendment) Bill, 2025, was passed, raising each MNA’s monthly salary from Rs180,000 to Rs519,000. Prior to the amendment, MPs earned Rs188,000, which included a basic salary of Rs150,000 and allowances of Rs38,000. With this increase, their perks and benefits have now skyrocketed at a time when the average Pakistani is struggling under the weight of economic hardship, inflation, and an ongoing debt crisis.
It is nothing short of scandalous that parliamentarians who barely show up to work, contribute little to legislative debates, and fail to meet basic governance expectations are rewarding themselves with such exorbitant salary hikes. The hypocrisy is glaring—while citizens face soaring fuel prices, increased taxation, and an economy teetering on foreign loans and grants, elected representatives are securing financial windfalls for themselves.
The contrast between public suffering and parliamentary privilege is stark. Millions of Pakistanis continue to grapple with poverty, joblessness, and an economy dependent on foreign bailouts, yet their representatives seem entirely detached from these grim realities. If parliamentarians are unwilling to take their responsibilities seriously, they have no moral justification for pocketing taxpayers’ money at such an alarming rate. The citizens of Pakistan deserve an accountable, responsible, and engaged legislative body—not an absentee club that only convenes to pass self-serving financial bills.
Unless major reforms are introduced—such as enforcing attendance requirements, reducing discretionary perks, and ensuring greater legislative scrutiny—Pakistan’s National Assembly will continue to be a costly spectacle with little real value for its people. The people of Pakistan must demand better, for their future depends on it.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Coverpage’s editorial stance.
