By Ali Hassan
MSc Development Studies alum, Ali Hassan explains how widespread protests against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian rule in Bangladesh led to her resignation, the establishment of an interim government, and student efforts to restore order amidst ensuing chaos.
Background
The afternoon of Monday, 5th August, was reportedly a tense one in the Gonobhaban (the Bangladeshi Prime Minister’s official residence in Dhaka). As Sheikh Hasina and her advisers were determining their next move, a crowd containing thousands of people was defying a countrywide curfew and marching towards them. A month ago, many in the crowd had been protesting the imposition of quotas in government jobs and civil service appointments for veterans’ descendants. This time, their sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation. The Quota Reform Movement had evolved into the One-Point Movement.
What started as a protest to oppose an unpopular policy morphed into a display of anger towards the authoritarianism of Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League (AL) party. Even before students began their anti-quota protests in early July, the signs of dissatisfaction had been visible. In Bangladesh’s latest general election in January, turnout was a paltry 28 percent (though the Election Commission boosted the number to 40 percent due to pressure from senior AL members). Voters boycotted the election because there were no significant opposition parties in the electoral field.
The initial Protests
Against the backdrop of high youth unemployment and rising authoritarianism, university students protested a decision of the High Court Division to reinstate the quota system, which had been abolished following similar protests in 2018. Protests were initially peaceful, with protesters employing roadblocks along major thoroughfares in Dhaka – a common protest practice in Bangladesh.
The protests became more restive following a speech by Sheikh Hasina on 14th July. Students listening to the speech believed she had referred to them as “Razakars”, a derogatory term which refers to Bengalis who collaborated with the Pakistani military during Bangladesh’s Liberation War in 1971. Reports emerged on 15th July that members of the Chhatra League (CL) – AL’s student wing – clashed with the anti-quota protesters, further inflaming tensions.
The Government’s Repressive Response
As the protests grew larger, so too did the government become increasingly violent. It shut down universities on 16th July and sent in the police to forcefully clear campuses of students on 17th July. It also allowed the police and paramilitary forces, such as the controversial Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), to use excessive force on student protesters. Official estimates suggest that at least 200 civilians died in the unrest between 15th and 19th July, though the fatality count is likely significantly higher. The government also arrested several thousands of people, including opposition party members with minimal links to the protests, between 16th and 22nd July.
The government shut down internet and telecommunications services indefinitely on 18th July and instated a countrywide military curfew at midnight on 20th July. Anti-quota gatherings subsided, perhaps owing to the difficulty in organising them amid such severe restrictions or due to the fear of lethal action by the military. The Supreme Court ruled on 21st July that quotas for veterans relatives, initially set at 30 percent, be reduced to 5 percent, a decision by which the government promised to abide.
One-Point Demand: Sheikh Hasina’s Resignation
The Supreme Court’s decision did not quell the anger of the student protesters. They were now organising under the banner of “Anti-Discrimination Students Movement (ADSM)” and sought justice for their allies whom the security forces had killed or arrested. After the government lifted restrictions on internet and telecommunications services, and eased the curfew, protests resumed in earnest, with ADSM announcing on 3rd August that its sole demand was Sheikh Hasina’s resignation.
While the government put in place another curfew on 4th August, protesters announced their plan to march to Gonobhaban on 5th August. Sheikh Hasina was reportedly hopeful that further violence from the security forces would disperse the protesters, but the army and police chiefs were not willing to comply with her request, arguing that the crowd was too powerful. Though she showed much resistance to the move, she eventually agreed to flee Gonobhaban shortly before the crowd’s arrival, secretly making her way to longtime ally India, which has agreed to give her temporary asylum. She officially resigned shortly afterwards.
Unfortunately, after news of Hasina’s resignation spread, the police went on strike, fearing for their own safety, and mobs took advantage of the lawlessness by rioting. Credible reports emerged that rioters had committed acts of arson against AL members, police personnel and the minority Hindu community. Students, realising that their movement was at risk, banded together to help restore some semblance of state functioning. Several videos emerged of students managing the flow of traffic at intersections. They, as well as Muslim religious leaders, reportedly stood watch outside several Hindu temples to deter further communal violence. Since 6th August, few incidents of violence have been reported.
Post-Hasina Bangladesh
Bangladesh now has an interim government, led by well-known economist Dr Muhammad Yunus at the behest of students. The interim cabinet consists largely of civil society members, including two student protest leaders. While much is uncertain, such as when a fresh election will take place, the early signs are promising. The interim government appears to be inclusive and collaborative – two qualities sorely missing in the AL administration led in a top-down fashion by Sheikh Hasina. Bangladeshis, including the powerful military and opposition parties, appear to have accepted the interim cabinet, reducing the fear of coups and unexpected transitions.
It is hard not to see Sheikh Hasina’s downfall as an outcome entirely of her own making. When students expressed their grievances with the government’s quota policy, she berated them, and allowed CL members and security personnel to use excessive force on them. When the protesters understandably became furious, she doubled down on repressive tactics. It is a credit to the protesters that they remained steadfast in the face of live ammunition, beatings, arrests and an internet shutdown. Even more impressive is their effort to ensure that their movement did not get hijacked amid the lawlessness following Hasina’s resignation. Their involvement in the interim cabinet is a positive development for Bangladesh.
Courtesy: LSE
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Coverpage’s editorial stance
